## Tabulae Rudolphinae, quibus astronomicae scientiae, temporum longinquitate collapsae Resauratio continetur a Phœnice illo Astronomorum Tychone, ex illustri & generosa Braheorum in regno Daniae familia oriundo equite, primum animo concepta et destinata a anno Christi MDLXIV...

Ulm: Jonas Saur, 1627.

First edition of this great scientific classic, “the chief vehicle for the recognition of his astronomical accomplishments” (*DSB**)*, with the magnificent and very rare world map (see below). “The tables are extraordinarily important, for they document in a unique way Kepler’s great contributions to astronomy” (Gingerich). This was Kepler’s last lifetime publication and his crowning achievement, “the foundation of all planetary calculations for over a century” (Sparrow). Kepler himself called the tables “my chief astronomical work” (Gingerich). “In 1601 Kepler was charged by the dying Tycho Brahe to complete his proposed *Rudolphine tables* of planetary motion, to be based upon Tycho’s great storehouse of observations. When the tables finally appeared twenty-six years later, Kepler excused the long delay in his preface, in which he cited not only salary and wartime difficulties, but also ‘the novelty of my discoveries and the unexpected transfer of the whole of astronomy from fictitious circles to natural causes, which were most profound to investigate, difficult to explain, and difficult to calculate, since mine was the first attempt’ (*Gesammelte Werke* 10, pp. 42-43; quoted in *DSB*). Kepler’s work was shaped not only by his Copernican bias and his discovery of the laws of planetary motion, but by the ‘happy calamity’, in 1618, of his initiation into logarithms, which enabled him to make the complex calculations necessary for determining planetary orbits. Kepler was thus able to take into account the relative heliocentric positions of the earth and planets, calculating these positions separately and combining them to produce the geocentric position; this yielded far more accurate positions than in previous tables, which had erred by as much as five degrees. This improvement constituted a strong endorsement of the Copernican system, and insured the tables’ dominance in the field of astronomy throughout the seventeenth century” (Norman). “The tables’ accuracy was strikingly demonstrated four years later. On 7 November 1631, when Kepler himself had been dead a year, the French astronomer Pierre Gassendi became the first observer in history to see Mercury crossing the face of the Sun, in fulfilment of a prediction by Kepler. Kepler’s tables were in error by only one-third of the solar diameter, whereas even the Copernican tables they had replaced were in error by thirty times that amount” (Hoskins, *The Cambridge Concise History of Astronomy*, pp. 110-111). ABPC/RBH record seven other copies with the map in the last half-century: Christie’s, 25 June 2009, lot 62, €103,000 = $133,076; Christie’s, 17 June 2008, lot 209, $134,500 (Richard Green copy); Sotheby’s, 15 November 2007, lot 105, £38,400 = $78,978; Christie’s, 16 April 2007, lot 297, $120,000 (Honeyman-Streeter copy); Christie’s, 25 June 2004, lot 102, €100,000 = $112,963; Christie’s, 2 July 1994, lot 67, £22,000 = $34,019; Sotheby’s, 30 June 1983, lot 418, £4180 = $6476; Sotheby’s, 12 May 1980, lot 1802, £4800 = $11,059 (Honeyman copy).

*Provenance*: contemporary astronomical annotations to text in several leaves, including some emendations and additions to the text; small ex libris of Swedish historian Bšrje Israelson (1881–1931) on inner margin of blank verso of last leaf.

Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) came from a very modest family in the small German town of Weil der Stadt and was one of the beneficiaries of the ducal scholarship; it made possible his attendance at the Lutheran *Stift*, or seminary, at the University of Tübingen where he began his studies in 1589. At Tübingen, the professor of mathematics was Michael Maestlin (1550-1631), one of the most talented astronomers in Germany, and a Copernican (though a cautious one). Maestlin lent Kepler his own heavily annotated copy of *De revolutionibus, *and so while still a student, Kepler made it his mission to demonstrate rigorously Copernicus’ theory.

In 1594 Kepler moved to Graz in Austria to take up a position as provincial mathematician and as a teacher at the Lutheran school there. Just over a year after arriving in Graz, Kepler discovered what he thought was the key to the universe: “The earth’s orbit is the measure of all things; circumscribe around it a dodecahedron, and the circle containing this will be Mars; circumscribe around Mars a tetrahedron, and the circle containing this will be Jupiter; circumscribe around Jupiter a cube, and the circle containing this will be Saturn. Now inscribe within the earth an icosahedron, and the circle contained in it will be Venus; inscribe within Venus an octahedron, and the circle contained in it will be Mercury. You now have the reason for the number of planets.” This remarkable idea was published in *Mysterium cosmographicum* (1596), “the first unabashedly Copernican treatise since *De revolutionibus*” (DSB).

“Kepler sent copies of his remarkable book to various scholars, including the most famous astronomer of the day, Tycho Brahe (1546-1601). Although unwilling to accept all these strange arguments, the Danish astronomer immediately recognized the author’s genius, and invited Kepler to visit him. However, the long journey was out of the question for the impecunious young man. Thus, wrote Kepler, ‘I ascribe it to Divine Providence that Tycho came to Bohemia.’ Tycho, fearing the loss of royal support by the King of Denmark, had in the meantime resolved to join the court of Rudolph II in Prague. Emperor Rudolph was a moody, eccentric man whose twin loves were the occult and his collection of curiosities. He was more than willing to support a distinguished astronomer whose accurate planetary positions could make horoscopes more accurate. Tycho arrived at Prague in 1599, and Kepler, forced out of Graz by religious controversy, joined him there the following January. To Kepler was assigned the analysis of the observations of Mars. The encounter between the young German theoretician and the famous Danish observer turned the course of astronomy … within two years Tycho had died and his full set of observations, although claimed by his heirs, fell into Kepler’s hands” (Gingerich). The first fruit of this legacy was Kepler’s discovery of his first two laws of planetary motion, published in 1609 in *Astronomia Nova*: that Mars moves in an elliptical orbit, and that the time necessary for Mars to traverse any arc of its orbit is proportional to the area of the sector contained by the arc and the two radii from the sun.

“At Tycho’s death, Kepler received not only his observations but also his title of Imperial Mathematician. The chief duty of this post was to complete the great set of planetary tables originally envisioned by Tycho, to be based on his incomparable set of precisely determined positions and intended to provide much improved predictions. Kepler’s analysis of Mars could be considered the first step in this great undertaking. The discovery of the first two planetary laws had created an entirely new foundation for calculating the *Rudolphine Tables*. But since Kepler had derived these laws solely from the observations of Mars, he now had to demonstrate their validity for the other planets. Mercury created special difficulties, and the complex motion of the moon caused a great deal of trouble … The astronomer’s efforts to work on the tables were continually diluted by the time lost in trying to collect his salary, and by a variety of astronomical events. The most important of these was Galileo’s application of the telescope to the heavens, causing Kepler to take time out to write his *Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo* – ‘Conversation with the Sidereal Messenger’ – of Galileo …

“In 1611 the political situation in Prague took an abrupt turn, ending Kepler’s exhilarating atmosphere of intellectual freedom. The gathering storm of the Counter-Reformation reached the capital, and brought about the abdication of Rudolph II. As warfare and bloodshed surged around him, Kepler sought refuge in Linz, where he was appointed provincial mathematician … The Linz authorities charged him first of all to ‘complete the astronomical tables in honor of the Emperor and the worshipful Austrian House, for the profit of … the entire land as well as also for his own fame and praise.’ After Rudolph’s death in 1612, his successor Matthias confirmed Kepler as court mathematician and agreed to his new residence away from Prague. But Kepler realized that as long as the *Rudolphine Tables* were unfinished, he would be tied to Linz. Thus the work on the tables became part of his fate …

“Meanwhile, another innovation completely altered Kepler’s original plan for the form of the tables – ‘a happy calamity,’ as he called it. In 1618 Kepler first saw John Napier’s epoch-making work on logarithms [through the intermediary of the *Cursus mathematici practice* (Cologne, 1618) by Benjamin Ursinus, which reproduced Napier’s tables] and was deeply impressed by it, recognizing how this new invention would simplify the time-consuming computations of astronomy. However, not content to adopt the new aid as he found it, during the winter of 1621-22 Kepler composed his own book on the subject. He exploited the new logarithms to solve two problems introduced for the first time by the novel form of the *Rudolphine Tables*. The first arises in the solution of what is now called Kepler’s equation. For a planet moving in an ellipse, under Kepler’s law of areas, there is no elementary way to find explicitly the position angle corresponding to a given time. However, the converse is easily calculated. Therefore he solved his equation for a set of uniformly spaced angles, which determine a set of non-uniformly spaced times. Kepler tabulated the logarithms of these intervals as a convenient means for interpolating to the desired times. The second important use of logarithms arises from the thoroughly heliocentric nature of the book. In previous planetary tables, the motions of the sun and planets were combined into a single procedure. In the *Rudolphine Tables* we must find separately the heliocentric positions of the earth and planet in question. To find the geocentric position of the planet, these two positions must be combined – essentially a problem of vector addition. Kepler facilitated this maneuver by tabulating the logarithms of the radius vectors of earth and planet, and by providing a convenient double-entry table for combining them.

“Kepler’s tables, unlike the modern Nautical Almanac, do not show the daily positions of the sun, moon, and planets. Instead, they contain general tables from which it is possible to work out a planet’s position for any time in the past or future. Besides the planetary data, Kepler included tables of logarithms, a catalogue of 1000 stars, and a list of the geographical longitudes and latitudes of a large number of cities. Approximately half the volume is made up of instructions for the use of the tables and numerical examples of their use.

“At long last, in 1624, Kepler completed his *Rudolphine Tables* in their new logarithmic form. The printing of the tables was very difficult because of wartime conditions. Linz offered no really suitable press, and circumstances in the city became increasingly unpleasant. Kepler’s lodgings were located on the city wall, and eventually he was obliged to open his house for the soldiers guarding the ramparts. To a correspondent he described the noise and smells of battle, but pointed out that he found solace in continuing his calculations. Finally, however, the printing was transferred to Ulm. Financing the book’s publication caused the astronomer much worry and trouble. A long trip to the imperial court in Vienna won some concessions for him, including an agreement to tax the city of Nürnberg for the arrears in his yearly allowance. Yet a visit to Nürnberg in 1625 was in vain, and he eventually decided to finance the work from his own pocket. Even this was not a simple operation, for Tycho’s heirs claimed both a share in the profits and also censorship rights …

“Because the *Rudolphine Tables* was in many ways the long-awaited climax to Kepler’s entire scholarly output, he proposed that this book, alone among his works, should have an appropriate frontispiece. His Tübingen friend Wilhelm Schickard (1592-1635) prepared a wash sketch of the proposed engraving. It showed the temple of Urania, modeled after the foyer of Tycho’s observatory, Stjerneborg, on the Danish island of Hven. On the ceiling of the temple was shown the geocentric Tychonic system, and within the building stood a series of notable astronomers, including Tycho himself. Kepler submitted the sketch to Tycho’s heirs, who at once objected. Their illustrious ancestor should be depicted more formally, they said, with his long ermine robe and the elephant medal around his neck, which he always wore while observing. (The medal was the highest award of the Danish monarchy.)

“The frontispiece in its final form was a great elaboration over the trial sketch. Ten of the temple’s 12 zodiacal columns are visible; their rich variety depicts the increasing elegance of astronomy. Those at the back, merely rough-hewn logs, represent the most ancient traces of the science. Nearby stands a Chaldean observer who, for want of an instrument, uses his fingers to measure the angular separations of the stars. The Greek astronomers Hipparchus and Ptolemy appear beside brick columns adorned with instruments of the times. Copernicus, seated beside an Ionian column, engages in spirited conversation with Tycho, who stands in his magnificence by an elaborate and splendid Corinthian pillar. The Danish astronomer points to the Tychonic system inscribed on the ceiling, and his Latin comment to Copernicus may be loosely translated, ‘How about that?’ Surrounding the dome of the temple appear six goddesses, each recalling an important idea of Kepler. To the far right stands *Magnetica*, with her lodestone and compass, reminding us of the magnetic forces that Kepler believed to control the planets. Next is *Stathmica*, goddess of the law of the lever and balance; the sun at the fulcrum reminds us that this is a form of Kepler’s law of areas. The third divinity is *Geometria*, with her mathematical compass, square, and tablet bearing the Keplerian ellipse. The next figure is *Logarithmica*, who holds in her hands rods in the ratio of one to two, while emblazoned on her halo is the natural logarithm of ½. The fifth goddess holds a telescope, and the sixth a globe with its shadow, reminding us of Kepler’s two books on optics: *Dioptrice* (1611) and *Astronomiae Pars Optica* (1604). Above the temple hovers the imperial eagle, generously dropping golden coins from his beak for the support of astronomy. A few of the coins even manage to fall to the foundations of the temple where, in the left panel, we see Kepler himself, calculating by candlelight. And here is a marvelous personal touch, for prominently on the worktable sits a replica of the dome of the temple of Urania. In his subtle and uncensored fashion, Kepler reminds us that although Tycho may have built the most splendid column, the temple of Urania would never have been finished without Kepler himself laboring far into the night!

“Kepler personally oversaw the printing and
worked almost daily with the typesetters. One thousand copies were printed, an enormous edition for a 17th-century science book … Kepler’s tables enabled him to predict the transit of Mercury over the disk of the sun on November 7, 1631, a phenomenon never previously observed. He did not live to see the prediction fulfilled, for he died on November 15, 1630, at Regensburg, where he had gone on yet another effort to collect his back salary. However, this transit of Mercury was actually witnessed by the astronomer Pierre Gassendi at Paris … In 1665, J. B. Riccioli related that the tables of Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Longomontanus each erred by about five degrees in predicting this transit, whereas Kepler missed by less than 10 minutes of arc! The overwhelming evidence of this crucial experiment convincingly established the power of the *Rudolphine Tables*. In this almost forgotten way, the geocentric world view was broken and the heliocentric system, together with Kepler’s laws of planetary motion, triumphed” (*ibid*.).

This work is bibliographically complex. One thousand copies were printed in Ulm in 1627. There are various states of this printing, affecting the title-page and the first two gatherings, and the presence or absence of the astrological insertion *Sportula*, all largely explained by the publishing history of the book. The title exists in three states; the above is in the second state; the first gathering (dedication to Ferdinand II by Brahe’s heirs and Kepler) is in the second state, and the second gathering (dedicatory poem by Johann Baptiste Hebenstreit) is also in the second state. Brahe had entrusted Kepler to complete his planetary tables, but over the 26 years that it took Kepler to perform this task, the work became his own. Nonetheless, he included a dedication by Brahe’s heirs to the Emperor, as well as one of his own of much greater length. The heirs took exception to this, and so Kepler modified the dedication. Kepler moved from Ulm to Sagan in 1628. As there were still a considerable number of unsold copies of the Tabulae, in order to boost sales he published in Sagan in 1629 the *Sportula*. This consists of directions for using the tables for astrological purposes. Our copy is an early state, issued prior to the publication of the *Sportula*. A very few copies have in addition an appendix (in quarto format) by Kepler’s son Jacob Bartsch (1600-1633), published in Sagan in 1629, in which Bartsch suggests that logarithmic tables more accurate than those in the *Tabulae Rudolphinae* can be found in Ursinus’ *Trigonometria cum magno logarithmorum canone* (1624) and in his own *Tabulae manuales*, completed by 1629 but not published in full until 1700 (this appendix is extremely rare).

The map was conceived by the German cartographer Philip Eckebrecht (1594-1667) at Kepler’s request. It is dominated by the German Imperial double-headed eagle: the imperial symbolism, used on Habsburg maps of the period, was an allusion to wars in the west with France and in the east with the Ottoman Empire. The special feature of this map is the nature of the division of the earth’s surface into three partial figures, one central full circle and two outer semicircles, constructed so that the prime meridian would pass through Uraniborg, Tycho Brahe’s main observatory on the island of Hven. The map shows the Dutch discoveries in Australia, combining the discoveries of Hartog, in 1616, and Houtman, in 1619, on the west coast, and those of Carstenz and Colsten along the northern coast, in 1623. California is shown as an island. This is the first map to equate one hour of time, astronomically determined, to 15 degrees of longitude – Eckebrecht based his work on the times of lunar eclipses relative to star positions derived from the *Rudolphine Tables*. As to its date of printing, Shirley writes that “although the map is dated 1630, all copies known today must have been issued considerably later, certainly after 1658 when the Emperor Leopold to whom the map is dedicated came to the throne”. However, in 2014 Peter Meurer discovered a proof state of the map bound in a copy of the *Rudolphine Tables* in the library of the University of Kiel. The proof state has the two hemispheres, but the eagles and other outer decorations are only sketched, and there is no dedication to Emperor Leopold. According to Meurer, Kepler must have started working on the manuscript map no later than 1626. Because of personal adverse conditions, the map was not finished when the *Tabulae Rudolphinae* was published in 1627. Kepler handed over his concept and material to his confidant Philip Eckebrecht. By the end of 1630, the engraving of the map had been finished in Nuremberg. Because of the deaths of Kepler, in 1630, and of the engraver Johann Philipp Walch, in 1631, the printing was not used. The coronation of Leopold in 1658 was presumably the reason this map was updated and subsequently published in this form for the first time.

Caspar 79; Clancy, *The Mapping of Terra Australis* (1995), p. 76, Map 6.4; Houzeau and Lancaster 12754; Lalande p. 190; Norman 1208; Parkinson p. 73; Shirley, *Mapping of the World* 335; Sparrow 116; VD17 23:297042N; Waller 12069; Zinner 5063. See PMM 112. Gingerich, ‘Johannes Kepler and the Rudolphine Tables,’ *Sky and Telescope* 42 (1971), pp. 328-333. Meurer, ‘Die Werkgeschichte der Weltkarte von Johannes Kepler und Philipp Eckebrecht (1630/58),’ *Cartographica Helvetica* 49 (2014), pp. 27-38. For the symbolism of the frontispiece, see: Gattei, ‘The engraved frontispiece of Kepler’s *Tabulae Rudolphinae* (1627): a preliminary study,’ *Nuncius* 24 (2009), pp. 341-365.

Folio (342x232 mm), pp. [xvi], 1-40, [1], 42-119, [1, blank], with engraved allegorical frontispiece by Georg Köler of Nuremberg after Kepler, numerous woodcut diagrams in text, and with the large folding engraved world map (385 x 685mm) by Eckebrecht (dedication leaves browned, faint dampstain to upper outer corner from Idyllion to p. 34, last blank page with small private library stamp in lower inner margin ‘Börje Israelsons bibliotek’, map trimmed to plate-mark, a few small holes in the folding). Contemporary vellum (a little worn, covers a bit warped, remains of ties).

Item #4703

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Price:
$150,000.00
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